Here’s some advice for frustrated impeachment advocates who think there might be other ways to force Donald Trump out of office: The 25th Amendment won’t help you.
But that hasn’t stopped people from trying.
In an interview with “60 Minutes,” McCabe claimed that people in the Department of Justice, including Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein and McCabe himself, had discussed trying to get a majority of the Cabinet to agree to remove Donald Trump from office. (Rosenstein denied the story, but it didn’t go away.)
If that majority vote is all the amendment requires, it would provide a much easier process than impeachment to dump a president.
‘Doomed to failure’
Writing in The Wall Street Journal, prominent conservative lawyers David B. Rivkin and Lee A. Casey wrote that, if those DOJ discussions in fact took place and were serious, the participants were part of “a conspiracy by government officials against American democracy.”
That sounds awful, but any such technical conspiracy – if that’s what it was – was doomed to failure.
If the DOJ lawyers thought getting rid of a president – this one or a future holder of the office – was easy, they hadn’t studied the amendment’s language.
I’m a professor of law – a tax professor at that. I’m used to parsing difficult legal language, and I’ve written about constitutional issues as well as ones that arise in bean-counting. The 25th Amendment is a complex law that is, by design, very hard to use.
Roots in Kennedy assassination
A little history: The 25th amendment was ratified in 1967. A primary purpose was to provide a way to fill the vice presidency when that office becomes vacant.
Two events prompted the legislation. After the Kennedy assassination in 1963, Lyndon Johnson had no vice president until Inauguration Day 1965. Harry Truman had no vice president for over three years after he became president.
Since then, the amendment’s system to fill the vice presidency has worked as intended, twice, and without controversy. The first was in 1973, with Gerald Ford, after Spiro Agnew was forced to resign after pleading no contest to a tax evasion charge. The second was in 1974, when Nelson Rockefeller became vice president after Nixon resigned and Ford became president.
The amendment also sets out processes for the vice president to become “acting president” in two situations.
The first, the easy case, is when the president himself sends a written declaration to the speaker of the House and the president of the Senate that “he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office.”
The president says, in effect, “I can’t handle the job right now, but I’ll be back.”
The vice president steps in temporarily, and the president reassumes presidential duties when he notifies congressional leaders that he’s up to it.
This part of the amendment has been applied, without fanfare, a couple of times when a president was going to be briefly incapacitated because of anesthesia. Some historians believe that having a formal method for a temporary transfer of power would have been helpful when Dwight Eisenhower had serious health problems.
But the rules applicable to the other situation in which a vice president can become acting president are much less clear.
Somehow the idea got around – reflected in the alleged DOJ discussions – that, if some officials think a president is incapacitated, but he disagrees or is so out of it that he can’t voluntarily step aside, a majority of the cabinet can promote the vice president.